'I call us intrusive because I mean to break into the
accepted halls of British foreign policy and establish a new people here in the
East. I’ll write my will across the sky in stars!’
‘I’m afraid not, old man,’ said the English soldier,
stepping into the tent. The Doctor saw the Webley in the man’s hand. He moved
fast, faster than a man of his age and ungainly frame should have.
It wasn’t fast enough.
The gunshot caught Lawrence in the chest. His eyes were wide
with surprise as he toppled backwards in a confusion of tentcloth and drapery.
~~~
Dear Edmund (Jo Grant read),
Further to the discussions between Mr Sykes and M. Picot,
and on-going discussions since, it has become quite apparent that French
intentions in the region would seem utterly incompatible with our ideas of
liberating the Arab nation and of establishing a free and independent Arab
State. The British Government, in authorising the letters despatched to King
Hussein before the outbreak of the revolt by Sir Henry McMahon, would seem to
raise a doubt as to whether our pledges to King Hussein as head of the Arab
nation are consistent with French intentions to make not only Syria but Upper
Mesopotamia another Tunis. If our support of King Hussein and the other Arabian
leaders of less distinguished origin and prestige means anything it means that we are prepared to recognise the full
sovereign independence of the Arabs of Arabia and Syria.
Without the defending presence of another European power to protect Arab interests and constrain French imperial ambitions, the establishment of French imperial control over the whole region, would be a swift inevitability. Such a situation, I need not remind you, would be as detrimental to British interests in the Near East as it would be undesirable to the Arabs themselves. His Majesty’s Government has therefore determined that the only course of action which would be in the best interests of all would be the establishment of those parts of the Levant detailed under the Sykes-Picot agreement, viz. Palestine, Mesopotamia and Eastern Arabia as a protectorate under British supervision.
Moreover, His Majesty's government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
We are aware that your man Maj. Lawrence has in mind certain plans of his own for the Arab people. You are reminded of the necessity to do all that is required to ensure that, despite his undoubted value in organising the Arab Revolt against the Turks, Lawrence does nothing to jeopardise the delicate diplomatic balance of the situation.
All congratulations on the progress in the campaign, etc.
Yours sincerely,
Lord A. J. Balfour
Foreign Secretary
p.s. Burn this letter after reading.
‘So it’s true,’ said Najid, all his former anger deflating
into resigned weariness.‘They mean to divide the East up among themselves.
French and British and Jew. They’re selling us out.’
‘But they can’t!’
Abdul-Malik protested. ‘They promised us a nation! An Arab nation from Syria to
Arabia!’
‘They can,’ said
Najid. He looked at Abdul-Malik, and then across to Jo. ‘The real question is,
what are we going to do about it?’
END OF PART ONE
written by
PHILIP BOYES
copyright 2020
copyright 2020
artwork by
COLIN JOHN
copyright 2020
copyright 2020